Babati District


Sarame village is in Magugu Ward, Mbugwe Division, Babati District. It is about 3km from the Arusha-Magugu-Babati Road. However, some parts of the village are 4-10km from the village office and the main road from Arusha. The village is bordered by Tarangire National Park and Taifa Njema sub-village is only 3km from the national park. A range of mountains forms the boundary between the village and the national park.


Sarame is only 3km from the main road from Arusha to Babati at S 04º 00′ 24.3″ E 035º 48′ 19.4″. The Sarame Mountains to the east form the border between the village and Tarangire National Park. There is extensive commercial agriculture in the village, which is continuous with the farming activities of the nearby town of Magugu, and provides an important source of livelihood for the villagers. As in the villages in Same District there is a distinct partitioning of the land for agriculture and grazing although there is less of a ‘centre’ in the village for housing. Instead houses are spread out in the central region and are surrounded by grazing land and shambas growing maize.

The most agriculturally productive area is to the west of the village and this is used predominantly for growing groundnut, although a villager indicated that other areas in the village may be turned over to groundnut production next season, suggesting that much of the village could be used for farming. There are no natural sources of water in the village and agriculture is dependent on rainfall. Therefore, variations within seasons and between years are likely to have a greater impact on productivity than where water is supplied through irrigation. The rest of the village is made up of scrubland/grassland that provides grazing for cattle. There is a small woodland in the north of the village and this area probably provides wood for fuel and domestic uses.

There is one small road that leads from the main Arusha-Babati road to the village. The high-tension power lines that supply electricity to Arusha pass through the village but no power is available for village use. Electricity supply to this village would be difficult because of the distances between houses and their basic nature. There is a school located in the village but other infrastructure is lacking.

Village history

The village was formed under the Villagization Act (1975) although some villagers moved to the area from Kikatiti as early as 1966 to avoid drought, floods, poor soils and because of the creation of conservation areas and their buffer zones. People were brought here from Lake Manyara to escape the periodic flooding that effected their original villages. Sarame was chosen because of the presence of farmland, which wasn’t available around Lake Manyara. Farmers had to spend most of the day getting to and from their farms. The main problem in Sarame is the lack of adequate water for livestock all year round.

Human population, ethnicity and settlement pattern

The village has 250 households and a population of 680 people. Most villagers are Mbugwe but other ethnic groups also exist. These include Nyaturu and Nyiramba who are originally from Singida District, Wafyomi (Iraq or Mbulu), Sandawe and the Arusha. The latter three groups are originally from Arusha region. Most of the villagers are agro-pastoral. Farming is carried out during the rainy season and pastoralism is intensified during the dry season. The settlement pattern in the village allows people farm around their houses and graze livestock in the sub-village where they live. This means that there are large distances between sub-villages.


Migration to the village is at present limited to seasonal migration for grazing. This occurs during the dry season when pastoralists from Monduli and Hanang (Gallapo) visit the area for pasture. The pastoral tribes include Maasai, Arusha and other groups. The exact number of seasonal migrants was not available. Residents of Sarame village also migrate out to other villages but usually stay within the ward. Some have to decided to live permanently in other villages within the ward where farming conditions are more favourable but maintain their farms in Sarame and continue to pay land feed for these farms.

Present village administration

The village government has the following committees:

  1. Planning and finance
  2. Social welfare
  3. Defence and security
  4. Water committee
  5. Environment (Mazingira committee)

Ownership, use and management of Common Pool Resources

Villagers consider land, village forests, water and rangelands to be CPR.

Village land

There are three types of land tenure in Sarame, land owned by the village government (5730 hectares), land given to individuals by the village government and customary land inherited through the lineage system.

The village land has been surveyed and the title deeds given to the VGT. During the original establishment of the village, each newly settled household was given a minimum of five acres for farming and one acre for housing. At present, immigrants settling in the village are still allocated one acre for housing. Farmland is allocated by request from the VGT and the applicant’s ability to manage and farm the land is taken into account before the allocation is made. If the immigrant subsequently leaves the village then all the land is handed back to the VGT. Only customary land inherited from relatives can be handed over to others without involvement of the VGT. Even when houses are sold only the house itself changes hands, the land on which it is built remains the property of the VGT.

Crops grown in the village include sorghum, sweet potatoes, groundnuts, cassava and other vegetables. Groundnuts are grown for food but are mainly grown as a cash crop. Villagers reported that in the past cotton, sunflowers and chickpeas were grown in the village but their production, especially of cotton, was curtailed because of the collapse of the cotton market. Villagers consider themselves poor because they have lost the dependable income from cotton.

Village public forests

There are small forests scattered throughout the village. The wooded lowlands become waterlogged during the rainy season and are used as wet season grazing areas. Shallow wells are also dug in this area to provide water for domestic use although these wells are also shared by livestock and wildlife. The forest on Sarame Mountain provides a catchment area for the gravity piped water supply in Sarame. There are ten domestic water points in Sarame and the piped water is also supplied to three other villages. For this reason the forest has been closed to prevent cutting or logging. At present the villagers are reliant on the hand dug wells as the piped water system is not functioning.

Charcoal making is prohibited under district and village by-laws but villagers were observed moving bags of charcoal by bicycle. A few individuals are known to use public land to make charcoal but the majority of charcoal in the village is reported to come from legitimate sources such as when land is cleared for farming. Villagers and ward officials suggested that much of the charcoal in Sarame comes from outside the ward. Tree cutting is prohibited except where farms are being expanded or when permission has been granted for the extraction of building poles. Residents and migrant pastoralists can graze their livestock inside the village public forests and are free to collect fruits and dry firewood. A variety of wild fruits were widely available in village forests and on public land. Fruits from Grewia bicolor and Balanite species were in season. The village government manages the forests on behalf of the village residents. The village has a Mazingira committee that visits and inspects forests twice a week.

Water supply system

The water supply system was constructed in 1966 by the central government under Operation Mbugwe when people first moved to the area from Sangaiwe near Tarangire National Park. Management of the scheme was later handed over to the Babati District Council and most recently to the villages. Sarame manages its part of the water supply scheme through a village water committee but they are not aware if other villages have water committees and there isn’t a joint system for management. The committee in Sarame has 10 members who were selected at an assembly meeting at sub-village level. Sarame hasn’t had a constant supply of water since 1995/96 because the distribution pipes in the source village and the surrounding area are regularly cut to provide water for farming or watering livestock. The villagers in Sarame have decided to rehabilitate the whole scheme in order to improve their supply. Sarame leaders have discussed the water losses and the need for rehabilitation and have from time to time mended broken or vandalized pipes but it hasn’t helped to solve the problem up to now. The source village and others sharing the scheme have not reported any problems with water shortage and as such are not willing to assist Sarame in improving their supply. The residents of Sarame have agreed to contribute 2,000 TAS each to the rehabilitation scheme. The total cost will be in the region of 12 million TAS but the land Management Project (LAMP) has agreed to support their efforts and will contribute 7 million TAS.


Rangelands are free for use by pastoralists. However, immigrants must be registered and are required to pay 10,000 TAS per Boma. This is considered a fee for environmental destruction (Uharibifu was Mazingira) and is appropriated by the VGT. Funds are used for VGT administrative and travel expenses.

Past, present and future influences on resource use and management systems that impact on poverty alleviation


All of the villagers in Sarame have been resettled there from elsewhere. As a result they are reluctant to move again even when conditions are unfavourable for farming or livestock. This can have a negative effect on productivity, income and food security.

Traditional land use

Traditionally villagers have lived in one place and farmed or grazed cattle in another. In this way they are able to optimise their use of natural resources by choosing the best places to live, farm or raise cattle. As a result Sarame is not seen as an area unsuitable for settlement because villagers are not solely reliant on the resources in Sarame for their livelihoods.

Lack of co-operation between villages

The lack of a joint management scheme for the piped water supply is probably responsible for the irregular supply received in Sarame. Although the villagers in Sarame should be commended for their initiative in rehabilitating the system with the help of LAMP it may not be the right approach to provide long term sustainability. All the villages who benefit from the piped water supply system should be involved in the rehabilitation, either by contributing financially or through the supply of labour. Without this commitment then it is unlikely that supplies will be maintained or the vandalism will stop.

Norms regulating resource use

The following norms regulating resource use exist in Sarame.

  • Charcoal production is strictly prohibited. Residents are only allowed to collect dry firewood and can cut down trees on farmland only when they are clearing for cultivation
  • Seasonal immigrants are required to register with the VGT and pay for the use of pasture
  • Villagers in each sub-village are required to demarcate areas for grazing and to protect these areas from the expansion of farms and any other activity that might lead to a change in land use
  • Honey hunters are required to join a group and receive training on sustainable honey hunting and beekeeping. The group is at present preparing beehives
  • New settlers who have been allocated land by the VGT are required to return the land if they decide to leave the village
  • Selling land is prohibited. Houses can be sold but the land remains the property of the VGT
  • Sacred groves are protected
  • Animals feeding on crops are scared away rather than killed. If lions attack and kill humans they can be hunted.

Conflict resolution

In case of any resource use conflict the sub-village leader and his committee will attempt to resolve the problem. If they are unable to reach a solution the case is referred to the VGT. In most cases local government by-laws and central government regulations concerning natural resources are used. LAMP has played an important role in shaping environmental management norms in the area.

The main resource use conflict is caused by immigrant pastoralists who arrive during the dry season with large herds. Occasionally they graze livestock on farmland or invade protected water sources. A major conflict between pastoralists and farmers occurred last year (2000). Those involved are still in Sarame and the court case is still continuing. There are also some large irrigated arable farms 8-10km from the Sarame Mountains that are held by leasehold by a small number of Asian individuals. Villagers feel that these farms should be redistributed to them in order to improve crop productivity and food security.

Village problems

Key problems identified by village leaders

    Lack of adequate water supply
    Crop destruction by game and man-eating lions
    Cattle rustling by Maasai from Monduli
    Soil erosion

Key pressing problems identified by villagers

    Drinking water supply
    Food insecurity
    Vermin-(elephants, baboons, wild pigs)
    Old age and lack of food assistance
    Theft of beehives
    No hospital
    Erratic weather
    Lack of market for cotton

Common diseases

There is no dispensary in the village. Malaria, diarrhoea, amoebic dysentery, typhoid and malnutrition are all cited as health problems in Sarame. Soils were reported to be generally fertile but drought or erratic rains are responsible for malnutrition with the elderly and children the most effected groups. Last year (2000) the village received food relief from the Roman Catholic Church but 10kg of maize per family was not sufficient to see them through to the harvest this year. The government food relief is inadequate and not dependable. The elderly home in the village also suffers from food insecurity and lack of support and many of the residents have resorted to begging. Despite these problems there is a reluctance to move from Sarame because most villagers are in Sarame because of relocation from elsewhere and they do not wish to move again.

Financial benefits from natural resources

Benefits accrued from adjacent protected areas

There are about 15 villages in the district that are adjacent to national parks. TANAPA does not provide any support at the district level for development projects. Instead TANAPA has promised to provide village level support. The Sarame VGT has had a ‘good neighbours’ meeting with TANAPA officials and various assistance has been promised including the construction of a new primary school. However, the proximity of Tarangire National Park means that the village has problems with elephants destroying crops and lions attacking villagers. An elephant can destroy half an acre of maize in a day and this type of crop loss is a major factor contributing to food insecurity and poverty. In the last year three people from Sarame have been killed by lions and a neighbouring village has lost eleven people in this way. When game does enter the villages a ward game scout is called by the VGT to deal with the problem rather than someone from TANAPA. While villagers recognise that wildlife and tourism can bring some benefits this is counteracted by the unsafe environment that they can create and the crop losses that can result from living adjacent to a national park.

Other income accrued from natural resources and protected areas

A land rent of 300 TAS per acre is paid to the district council. Of this the village government retains 200 TAS. The District Planning Officer (DPLO) explained that this fee was supposed to encourage responsible and sustainable use and management of farmland. However, there is no evidence to support this. In reality there is limited terracing of farms even though soil erosion is cited as a problem and maize is the preferred crop even though sorghum would be better suited to the climate. The money retained in the village is used for development and other village expenses.

Land renting is rare in Sarame because the VGT still has ample land for allocation. The major drawback is the lack of adequate water for most crops. There are other non-financial benefits accrued from natural resources. Edible wild leaves were found in most houses visited in the village. This indicates that there is some dependency on wild products to alleviate seasonal food insecurity. Small animals are also hunted for food, possibly including wild pig although they were not mentioned directly.

The village has a gravity piped water project, which was constructed during operation Mbugwe in 1966. The water system has since broken and currently there is no piped water. Villagers have made a contribution of 2,000 TAS per elder for repairs with LUMP (Land Utilisation Management Project) assistance. Once the repairs are completed, water for villagers will be free but outsiders will have to pay 20 TAS for a 20-litre bucket and 20 TAS per cow. The money collected for the piped water repairs is managed by the water committee who have deposited the money with LUMP who will make up any shortfall. Repairs are still underway.

Forest activities are restricted to bee hives, which are free. There is no charge made on charcoal making because the practice is prohibited. Those caught with charcoal in the past were fined but this did not solve the problem. Now charcoal making is discouraged not by fines but by confiscating the charcoal and distributing it free of charge to village institutions.

Wealth ranking and identification of the poor

All the villagers consider themselves to be poor. It is very rare for anyone to harvest enough to be able to sell grain. The uncertainty of the climate, destruction of crops by wildlife and insects, lack of pasture and livestock diseases, and the lack of adequate water means that it is almost impossible for anyone to have financial or food security.


The village is in Mwada Ward in Mbugwe Division. It is approximately 18km from Magugu town and 5km from the main road from Magugu to Mbulu District. The road to the village is poor and impassable during the rainy season.


Kisangaji village is about 20km from the main Arusha-Babati road at S 03º 55′ 02.4″ E 035º 43′ 56.1″. The village is surrounded by a variety of different habitats that afford villagers the opportunity to carry out different activities from grazing and agriculture to grass collection and charcoal production. There are substantial forests that divide the village from the Arusha-Babati road in the east and beyond the village boundary in the Umburu Mountains to the west. There is also a large wetland that covers the west of the village and a substantial grassland area on which the village is located, which is the flood plain for the Kisangaji River and wetland.

The presence of the wetland and irrigation canals in both the agricultural areas in the east and west of the village means that there is much less dependence on rainfall as there is in other villages. Although supply may vary within and between years it is unlikely that there would be sufficient demand to cause water shortages. However, water use further upstream of Kisangaji Village can have a profound effect on the ability of the villagers to farm in the wetland area. The wetland and the Kisangaji River provide water for the village and the wetland is also used as a source of grass for feeding cattle and for sale. Charcoal production is heavy in the forests on the slopes of the Umburu Mountains but these forests fall outside the village boundary. However, charcoal is brought through the village for sale in the towns along the main road and it is unlikely that the villagers are not involved in this practice.

Grazing livestock and housing is the focus of the centre of the village. Houses are spread out over the flood plain and a large number of livestock are grazed on the grassland between the houses. There is evidence of overgrazing in this area with some patches of land devoid of vegetation. In general this area receives much less water than elsewhere and vegetation growth is dictated much more by rainfall, however, this area is prone to flooding during the wet season. Grazing livestock is also carried out some distance from the village to the north and south.

Village history

During Operation Manyara and villagisation people were brought to Kisangaji from Manyara and elsewhere. The village was finally registered in 1977. The name ‘Kisangaji’ comes from the area of the village used for irrigation farming. There are three rivers in the village, Mwitula, Kou and Mpere, all of which originate in the Mbulu Mountains. The presence of these large rivers means that flooding often causes crop damage and losses. There are also problems of access and communication in the village because of the rivers. The largest river, Mwitula, divides the village in two and can only be crossed by canoe. The fare ranges from 50 TAS in the dry season to 200 TAS during heavy rains when there is a high volume of water. The crossing is unreliable and some have drowned during the rainy season.

The main livelihood activities are farming and livestock keeping. Rice cultivation on a small scale has been common in the area for years but after villagisation more areas have been surveyed and an irrigation system has been developed. Now there are more people growing rice as their main crop.

Human population, ethnicity and settlement pattern

The main ethnic groups in the area are Mbugwe, Iraq, Nyaturu and Barbaiq with the latter practising transhumance. The village has 870 households and a population of 2725 people.


Pastoralists visit Kisangaji for pasture and water as both are found in abundance. The exact number of immigrants per year could not be obtained. Most of them are Barabaig with a few Maasai. Pastoral immigrants do not live in the residential areas of the village. Instead they stay in areas adjacent to the rangelands. The Maasai are not favoured by the local community because of their lack of respect for local norms and their practice of stealing cattle. Maasai also graze cattle on farmland and in doing so destabilise village relations. There are plans to ban Maasai from visiting Kisangaji unless they conform to local norms. However, although there are groups that practice more cattle rustling than others, cattle theft is common in all livestock keeping areas and practiced by almost all groups of pastoralists and agro-pastoralists.

Present village administration

Huduma, Futuria, Kisangaji, Shauri Moyo, Mholeni, Kazaroho, Idulu are the seven sub-villages in Kisangaji. The Mwitula River divides the village into two parts, one made up of Shauri Moyo and Mholeni and the other comprised of the remaining sub-villages. This second part of the village also has its own branch office of the ruling party – Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM). As in the other villages the village government is comprised of three committees.

  1. Security and defence
  2. Planning and finance
  3. Irrigation

Ownership, use and management of CPR

CPR identified by villagers

Villagers identified farmland, forests, irrigation water, pasture and rivers as CPR. Land can also be privately owned.


The village has 960 acres of irrigated land and a large area of rain-fed farmland. Anyone wishing to join the village and receive a land allocation must fulfil the necessary requirements. Immigrants must bring letters of introduction from their previous village when they make a request for land. They are also required to specify whether they are planning to become a temporary or permanent resident or if they require land for farming purposes only. Once these requirements have been met and the amount of land requested is agreed then the land is allocated by the VGT.


Water is obtained from the three major rivers in the village. Land has been divided into four zones according to the irrigation furrow that supplies water to the farms in each zone. The zones are Nenetu, Kagera, Mwitula and Kisangaji. Each zone has a main furrow with four or five smaller tributaries. Each zone has a committee which schedules the distribution of water to the different users. This committee is made up of a chairperson (Bwana Maji) and a representative of the users from each of the tributaries. When repairs or cleaning is necessary then Mbiu is used to mobilise users for repair and cleaning activities. Those who do not participate are fined.

Water is shared by both large and small scale farmers. The large scale farmers are Asian families who own sugarcane plantations under leasehold at the head of the river system just outside Kisangaji. This means that they have greater access to water and can restrict water reaching the farmers at the tail-end of the system. Especially during extremely dry seasons when river water is very low large scale farmers with commercial crops block water and so negatively affect crop production in Kisangaji village. They also use agro-chemicals so contaminating the water that reaches the smaller farmers.


There are two large forests in Kisangaji called Kazaroho and Shaurimoyo as well as some smaller forests. Villagers are free to make use of forest products but are not allowed to cut trees for commercial purposes. The isn’t a Mazingira committee for forest management, instead each sub-village is responsible for the management of their own forests. Charcoal making was reported to be minimal as most villagers rely on irrigated and rain-fed farming for their income and are busy throughout the year with farming and livestock keeping. The charcoal seen being transported through Kisangaji for sale in Magugu and Arusha is reported to come from villages beyond Kisangaji where there is less concern for the environment.


Residents and non-residents are allowed to fish in the major rivers and swamps found in the village. Only small amounts of fish are available and it is possible that fish numbers have been reduced by the use of agro-chemicals in farming and the small nets used for fishing. Villagers reported that there is no control over fishing by the fisheries department.


Residents, non-residents and seasonal immigrants use the village rangelands. There has been no invasion of pasture by other land use activities but there are plans to earmark separate grazing areas for local livestock keepers and seasonal immigrants. It is expected that this will ensure adequate pasture for local agro-pastoralists and reduce cattle theft.

Past, present and future influences on resource use and management systems that impact on poverty alleviation

In the past leaseholds for large farms were given to private investors. These investors tended to be Indians, Somali or European rather than local people. Their leases gave them rights over water by stipulating volumes that could be extracted per day. Some leaseholders now block water under the pretext that their leasehold allows them to do so. Blocking water is also used to intimidate smaller farmers who have requested that the leaseholds be withdrawn so that the land can be redistributed to households and young people from the local community who need irrigated land.

Norms regulating resource use

It was not possible to review files to verify existence of resource use norms but from discussions with villagers it is evident that norms exist. These include the following.

  • Pasture cannot be used for any other land use activity
  • Those who do not participate in collective activities related to CPR use and management (e.g. repair of irrigation furrows) are fined
  • Newcomers have to report to the VGT and submit letters of introduction
  • There are organizational norms for management of irrigation furrows. Each furrow has a management committee made up of the chairperson and representatives from each of the tributary furrows. This committee is responsible for allocating water and management of the system.

Conflict resolution

Existing resource use conflicts are related to seasonal immigrants entering Kisangaji to use pasture who graze their livestock on farmland. Usually these incidents result in court action although they can be settled out of court if the farmers are compensated for their losses. Stealing water or refusing to participate in self-help activities is punished through fines. These can result in friction between individuals.

Trespassing on leasehold farms is not allowed. A case was reported where a teenage boy was savagely beaten after trespassing. The case was taken to court but to date no action has been taken against the leaseholder or the labourers who carried out the attack. The conflict between small farmers and leaseholders has been referred to the district commissioner but this has not served to stop the leaseholders from blocking water to prevent it reaching the smaller farms.

Village Problems

Key problems identified by village leaders

  1. Erosion of irrigation canals. Most of the canals are earth furrows and most damage occurs during the rainy season
  2. Flood damage. Floods often result in crop loss and damage to irrigation furrows but there are no flood prevention schemes in the village
  3. Crop loss from pests. Crop destruction by crickets has been an ongoing problem since 1998. Crops are also destroyed by the Quelea quelea bird
  4. Cattle rustling by Maasai from NCA and Monduli (Mijingu areas).

Problems identify by villagers

  1. Lack of agricultural inputs (fertilizers and pesticides)
  2. Lack of extension services in crop farming
  3. Lack of health facilities and MCH services
  4. Poor road and transport services to access markets for crops
  5. Lack of safe drinking water
  6. Long distance to treatment facilities
  7. Diseases (human and livestock)
  8. Drought
  9. Poor farm implements

Common diseases

Malaria, diarrhoea, TB, typhoid, worms, and Brucellosis were all mentioned as health problems in the village.

Benefits accrued from the adjacent protected areas

Financial benefits from natural resources

Lake Manyara National Park doesn’t provide any financial assistance to Kisangaji village.

Other income accrued from natural resources

  • The VGT charges a fee to allocate land to new residents in the village. This money is used to finance village development and office activities. An allocation of six acres or above costs 20,000 TAS. This can be paid up front or after the first harvest. There is also a disturbance fee of 500 TAS to cover the expenses of the people required to witness the survey and allocation of the new land
  • Farmers who use village land are required to pay 10,000 TAS or a 100kg bag of grain a year to the VGT as a fee for using village land and other services (irrigation water, etc.)
  • There is a small kiosk fee of 10,000 TAS a year
  • Seasonal pastoral immigrants pay 10,000 TAS per Boma to the VGT for the use of pasture. They usually arrive in July and leave the village after heavy rains have started.
  • Beer making carries a fee of 300 TAS. Since most of the villagers are Christians, making and drinking beer is common.
  • There is as fine of 5,000 TAS for offences relating to the misuse of irrigation water.

The following money goes to the district council with a percentage remaining with the VGT.

  • Development levy. 20% of the levy remains with the VGT
  • Each farmer pays 300 TAS for each acre of land. The VGT gets 200 TAS from the fee
  • Livestock 300 TAS per cow, the VGT gets 200 TAS
  • Fee for goats and sheep is 200 TAS each animal, the VGT gets 100 TAS
  • Fee for having a donkey is 300 TAS, 200 TAS goes to the VGT
  • Fee for keeping pigs is 150 TAS each, 100 TAS goes to the VGT
  • All revenue for the district council is submitted to the Ward Executive Secretary (WES) who then submits them with receipts to the district council treasurer. She then deposits the VGT percentage into VGT bank account

Individual landowners can also earn income though leasing out land through informal contracts or through renting out ploughs or cattle to be used in ploughing. Land renting is common. An acre of land for rice cultivation can be rented out for 40,000 TAS per season. Those providing transport that enable villagers to cross the rivers charge 500 TAS per bag of rice to be transported.

Wealth ranking and identification of the poor

The largest herd held by an individual in the village is 100 cattle and 50 goats but a large herd alone is not considered a sign of wealth. Those who are able to harvest and sell rice, rent out oxen for ploughing or rent out land for rice growing are also considered wealthy. Therefore it is possible to be wealthy without having to farm. As a farmer it is possible to be busy throughout the year in Kisangaji growing rice, maize and vegetables for subsistence and sale for cash. The disabled, old, orphans attending school and the lazy or drunk are considered poor.

Last Updated: 17 December 2018